0

Dr Hubert Minnis: Davis administration on wrong course on Haiti intervention

POLICE officers disperse the crowd during a protest against insecurity in Port-au-Prince, Haiti,
Monday, August 14, 2023.
Photo: Odelyn Joseph/AP

POLICE officers disperse the crowd during a protest against insecurity in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, Monday, August 14, 2023. Photo: Odelyn Joseph/AP

By Dr Hubert Minnis

THE Republic of Haiti has been in a state of chaos since the assassination of its president in July 2021. The central government has lost control of significant parts of the country. Armed gangs have taken over. There is widespread violence.

Many people have been killed. Many have suffered brutal sexual violence. The gangs are also using kidnapping to extort money from desperate families.

According to the United Nations, between January 1 and August 15, 2023, at least 2,439 people were killed and another 902 injured in Haiti. In addition, 951 were kidnapped, including some from other countries. Some of the killings were in the most brutal manner with families being burned alive.

In October 2022, Haitian Prime Minister Ariel Henry called for international military intervention to help restore order in his country. Thus far, no major power has agreed to lead such a force. However, Kenya has recently expressed a desire to lead a multinational mission to Haiti and to send 1,000 police officers to help train and assist Haitian police in restoring order.

Kenya is awaiting a mandate from the UN Security Council.

The Davis administration has said, via statements, that it is prepared to send Bahamian men and women into the dangerous situation in Haiti. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs said The Bahamas has committed 150 people to support the multinational force once it is authorised by the United Nations Security Council.

The Ministry of National Security said the 150 Bahamian security personnel would be there mainly to train and offer technical support to the Haitian police.

The gangs in Haiti are heavily armed. They are expanding their territory, beating back a police force that is incapable of containing or defeating them.

Any multinational force that goes to Haiti will have to fight the gangs in an effort to bring some order to the situation. There would likely be heavy fighting, many fatalities, and some seriously injured, including some with permanent disabilities.

Those who seek troops to fight in Haiti want soldiers and police who are willing to enter war-like conditions and fight. It is quite possible that if the PLP administration were to send our men and women to Haiti they would be caught up in the fighting and violence.

Our main concern should be the safety and well-being of our brave men and women who might be selected for this mission.

Haiti has a tragic history. As the first black republic, it was not welcomed by the colonial powers when it won its independence at the beginning of the 19th century. The colonial powers initially would not trade with it. Exorbitant war debt was imposed by France. It has also chronically struggled with poor leadership, dictatorship and coups. It is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere.

There have been numerous foreign military interventions in Haiti’s history. None has worked to permanently set the country on the path to long-term stability and prosperity. The disorder is so pervasive in Haiti that foreign powers have gotten bogged down in the country in open-ended campaigns.

The Davis administration was reckless in pledging 150 Bahamian men and women to a yet to be defined Haitian military campaign. There is no consensus among the Haitian elite, Haiti’s politicians and the people of the country as to the way forward. Factionalism is ruining Haiti. Gangs have allegedly said they would attack foreign military or police personnel.

Foreign intervention might help to bring some order for a short time, but without the rebuilding of the country’s institutions of state and its infrastructure, Haiti would likely revert to chaos once the troops depart.

Prime Minister Philip Davis should not unilaterally send our brave men and women into the chaos in Haiti without an acceptable plan of action agreed to and supported by the international community and without the express consent of the Bahamas Parliament.

In a parliamentary democracy the government has a constitutional and moral responsibility to have the deployment of such a force debated in Parliament. If the Davis administration refuses to have such a debate that would be a most egregious example of contempt of Parliament and would leave many crucial questions unanswered.

For instance, has the Government already committed to any foreign government or international agency that it will definitely send personnel?

Has the Cabinet agreed on the terms of reference for the deployment of Bahamian personnel, including the nature, cost and possible duration of the mission?

Will any assets such as vehicles and marine vessels be sent by The Bahamas?

Will the United Nations and other governments defray the costs for Bahamian and Caricom troops?

What role will the United States, Canada, France and the European Union play in any intervention?

Thus far, the Davis administration seems to be on the wrong course with its Haiti intervention policy.

Comments

Use the comment form below to begin a discussion about this content.

Sign in to comment